MASTER’S DEGREE IN LAW
Structure of the research-type master's thesis
THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF CRIME : THE CASE OF PROSTITUTION IN CANADA (2016)
The master's thesis addresses the following question : "How is a Criminal Code offence socially constructed in Canada?". A two-part legal analysis of criminal and penal law is proposed, based on a historical and sociological posture, which questions both the foreground and the background of the mechanism of criminalisation.
In the foreground of the criminalisation mechanism, the master's thesis examines "the state of the law on the criminalisation of certain prostitution-related activities and the historical evolution of the Canadian legislator’s approach to this phenomenon."
In the background of the criminalisation mechanism, the master's thesis undertakes "a sociological analysis of the criminalisation process, from a constructionist perspective of this complex, multidimensional, multifactorial, and ultimately conflictual phenomenon, which involves the active participation of various social actors." These actors are examined herein, along with their characteristics, their ideologies and their respective positions on criminalisation.
In this dynamic, the Canadian state plays, on more than one occasion, the role of biased arbitrator, favouring the ideological values of the social actors that correspond to those of the ruling party. These values, in turn, fluctuate with the times, economic contexts, and geopolitical contexts.
The Hegelian dialectic of "thesis antithesis synthesis" or "problem reaction solution", a main tool of these actors, is also analysed. Such dialectic includes the qualification as a "social problem" of the behaviour one wishes to criminalise, the creation of moral panics regarding said behaviour, the instrumentalisation of legal language, and the manipulation of public perception. The objective sought is to obtain popular support, or at least the appearance of some popular support, for the ideological solutions proposed in response to the behaviour that these actors wish to criminalise.
The thesis highlights the universal nature of certain mechanisms, little examined by the field of criminal and penal law, which are nevertheless employed by various social actors to shape criminal and penal law in Western societies that are based on the "principle" of the "rule of law", such as Canada, in order to transform the ideological will of some into law enforceable against all.
(excerpts from the master's thesis)
In brief: some findings from the master’s thesis in simple language
The foreground of the criminalisation mechanism:
the historical legislative evolution of prohibited behaviour
In Canada, the state apparatus, understood in a broad and encompassing sense, is composed of Parliaments, governments, the judiciary, police forces, the intelligence services and the armed forces. This aggregate of power holds a monopoly on the use of force to control behaviour in society.
These State institutions act in synergy or in complementarity.
The federal Parliament is the decision-maker on the legal qualification of a behaviour as a crime, and well as on the legal solutions to be provided. At the forefront of criminalisation is a positivist process of law adoption, which is a procedural legislative mechanism. Judges contribute to this process through their rulings on the interpretation of legislative provisions or on their constitutionality.
Despite its vast power, the State's legitimacy only exists if the population recognises it, hence the importance for this particular actor to constantly self-legitimise. In this sense, the various State actors often validate each other amongst themselves.
The State also makes a great effort to legitimise itself by codifying provisions that prohibit a certain behaviour.
The State uses linguistic constructs, narratives that are rooted in reality, in a manufactured reality or in the author's imagination.
The laws adopted by the State to criminalise prostitution do not always reflect the ‘will of the people’ or ‘societal values’, but often reflect the ideological interests of the political party in power.
Over the years, the approach adopted by Canadian legislator toward prostitution-related activities has evolved, from an approach focused on the adoption of more general, broad and encompassing legislative provisions, to an approach focused on an inflation of specific legislative provisions, which cover more behaviours and have slightly different objectives than those previously targeted by the Canadian legislator. The aim is to criminalise the same behaviour, but based on different pretexts.
On more than one occasion, the State's willingness to criminalise or decriminalise has manifested itself through its stubbornness and relentlessness in promoting its legislative agenda. This characteristic has been noted even in cases where the population disagreed with its legislative initiative.
The foreground analysis of the criminalisation process can be complemented by examining the background process, which is broader and more complex, multidimensional, multifactorial and ultimately conflictual, involving the active participation of different social actors.
The background of the criminalisation mechanism:
a formulaic Hegelian dialectic construction of the type “problem reaction solution”
In Canada, the privilege of legally redefining behaviour as a crime is an act reserved for a single social actor, the federal Parliament, but other social actors have a significant impact on this aspect of qualification, albeit more indirect. For example, the ruling government, by appointing judges, silently and subtly decides who will be the interpreters of the laws of the federal Parliament, who will be part of this small elitist group that will rule on the values of the party that forms the government which appointed them as judges, or on the values of the opposition parties.
Several social actors are involved in it and are at the center of legislative changes. The participation of some actors vary according to the issue targeted for criminalisation, while others are omnipresent: political parties, the police, the media, professional or educational organisations, activists, religious groups, private corporations, organisations, academics, etc.
Their role is to stir up public opinion when necessary and to focus attention on a specific aspect of the context regarding the issue, the ultimate goal being to obtain the social support needed for the adoption of legislative measures or the implementation of social programs.
One of the techniques often used by social actors interested in producing a legislative change related to a behaviour is the use of the ‘problem reaction solution’ dialectic:
Problem: the behaviour to be prohibited is qualified as a major social problem, a critical situation requiring rapid intervention from the authorities.
Reaction: the social actors provoke an uproar, eliciting a reaction from the public, who then demand that the authorities take legislative action (e.g. punitive legislation, criminalisation, etc.).
Solution: claiming to speak on behalf of the public and in the public interest, social actors publicly propose predetermined ideological solutions that are in line with their interests and demand the authorities to adopt laws accordingly.
Stage 1: social actors qualify the behaviour as ‘socially problematic‘
Emphasise the seriousness of the behaviour.
Publicity through the media.
Organisation of campaigns or collective actions through which complaints or grievances are made.
Emphasise the importance of adopting laws to criminalise the targeted behaviour.
Simplification of the debate.
Use of language with terminology aligned with the partisan interests of the social actor, in accordance with the position being defended (use of the notion of risk, victimisation, promotion of action-taking, etc.).
Use of tangible, concrete examples to which the public can relate. If the issue is no longer relevant, the actors redefine the problem to capture the public's attention again.
Appeal to logic or emotions.
Manufacturing consent.
Use of techniques for manipulating the masses or engineering of consent (Edward Bernays, Walter Lippmann), making associations with individuals’ desires and fears, using ‘influencers’, promoting social conformism, etc.
The public is free to make a forced (guided) choice, to choose from predetermined options. The public's freedom of choice and self-determination is significantly limited by this framework (“the worst form of non-freedom is the non-freedom that is not even perceived as such”).
Step 2: creating an amplifying effect regarding the seriousness of the ‘social problem’ through a moral panic that stimulates public reaction
Once the behaviour is deemed problematic, the concerned actors seek to provoke a reaction from the public so that they demand the authorities to intervene: the creation of a moral panic.
Moral panics are a tool used by social actors to convince the public that a behaviour is more than just a social problem, but that it is an important and urgent social problem that requires rapid intervention by the government or the Parliament.
Moral panic has five main characteristics (Erich Goode, Nachman Ben-Jehuda, Stanley Cohen), often identifiable before the government introduces major legislation criminalising a behaviour:
concern, the existence of a high level of anxiety.
hostility towards people whose behaviour is considered problematic.
a certain degree of consensus that is achieved or manufactured.
disproportionality (exaggerating the nature of the behaviour to be criminalised or its consequences).
volatility (moral panics appear quickly, seemingly out of nowhere, and disappear just as suddenly).
Other circumstances may characterise moral panics, depending on the degree of intensity or grandiloquence attributed to them.
As a result of this process, the perception regarding the need to criminalise a certain behaviour is likely to be significantly altered by various messages used by social actors to promote their position.
Members of the public internalise these messages as if they were their objective reality and not a construct of the social actors.
Social actors also instrumentalise the considerable influence of peers, social conformity, or the illusion of the senses to instill social panic until the individual is brought to a point where he or she is open to suggestions.
During this moment of vulnerability, the message from the social actors is more easily received, which then leads the public to the next stage: receiving the proposed solutions, which the public can now accept.
Stage 3: social actors propose their solutions
Once the ground is fertile for proposing solutions, the social actors bring out the heavy artillery:
the appeal to the authority and to the opinion of experts or technocrats to legitimise their solutions (some may be elected, others paid, funded, appointed, recruited or self-proclaimed).
the strategic use of self-legitimisation or the inter-legitimisation of State actors is activated and intensified.
marketing and public relations.
discrediting opponents and opposing positions.
censorship.
The State uses these same mechanisms to legitimise its action of criminalising behaviour.
A few comments from the professors who examined the research-type master’s thesis
Marie-Pierre Robert
is a professor of criminal law at the Faculty of Law of the University of Sherbrooke since 2007 and dean of the Faculty of Law since 2024.
Associate dean from 2015 to 2019, she is co-founder and co-director of the Master's in Criminal and Penal Law Practice program, and a member of the Research Center “Society, Law, and Religions” of the University of Sherbrooke (SoDRUS).
"This thesis offers a multidisciplinary perspective on the construction of crime in Canada, using prostitution as an example. “
“Combining history and sociology, it sheds light on the many legislative changes relating to prostitution-related offences.”
Mr. Popa “uses social constructionism as a theoretical framework, which is both relevant and ambitious.”
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“It has the advantage - and the ambition - of placing recent legal developments in a broader context, both historical and sociological, which adds a challenge that [Mr. Popa] succeeded“ .
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
Mr. Popa "highlights well the social and historical context in which the various prostitution-related offences were enacted – from the Confederation to the Bedford decision, including the Fraser Report and the Prostitution Reference –, as well as the importance and influence of such context on the evolution of the law"
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
"While the first part is constructed using a more classical methodology, describing the evolution of positive law based on legislative, jurisprudential, and doctrinal developments, the second part is largely based on sociological doctrine and the actions of social actors involved in the criminalisation of prostitution-related activities."
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“The thesis relies on an extensive bibliography and a wide variety of sources, which are well used.“
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“It is well structured, with a logical order“
Simon Roy
is a professor of criminal law at the Faculty of Law of the University of Sherbrooke since 2003.
Associate dean from 2022 to 2023, he is director of the undergraduate and graduate programs (course-based), co-founder and director of the Master's in Criminal and Penal Law Practice program, and head of the Diploma in combating financial crime for the Faculty of Law.
Professor Roy is a research member of the CIBC Research Chair in financial integrity (legal axis).
“The amount of information processed is considerable, and the author demonstrates the extraordinary scope of his research.”
“In short, this is a remarkable piece of work in quantitative terms.”
”It's a very ambitious thesis.”
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
Mr. Popa "has chosen a rather unusual theoretical approach for a thesis in law. At the same time, it enabled him to raise interesting questions about the underlying causes of the legislator's decisions and the role of interest groups.”
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“The first part constitutes an in-depth historical review.“
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
"Clearly, the author has done a colossal amount of research."
Véronique Fortin
is a professor of criminal law at the Faculty of Law of the University of Sherbrooke since 2015 and a lawyer, member of the Quebec Bar.
Associate dean of experiential learning and community relations since 2024.
“The author has read extensively and in several disciplines.”
“His intellectual curiosity is impressive! The sources he cites are interesting.“
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“The thesis is well written and well presented.”
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“Part 1 is descriptive, but well-constructed and interesting.“
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“the effort is remarkable“
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :
“You can feel that the author has immersed himself in complex literature and that he wanted to make an original contribution.”
Master's thesis evaluation report, 2016 :